4.2. Toar and Lumimuut and Minahasan Traditional Society
If there is
anything in the history of Minahasa that deserves the title of a
meta-narrative, it will be the story of Toar and Lumimuut. Most of
the time, if not always, when Minahasans give the account of their
history or who they are, Toar and Lumimuut will be mentioned. This
story permeates the entirety of collective consciousness.
In some instances
this grand story has been dubbed as a myth; hence Toar and Lumimuut
has been regarded as the “myth of origin” of the Minahasans. This
notion, however, has a deep flaw. The wide range of meaning for the
Greek mythos1
has confused notions of narrative, tale, and fiction, and in part led
only into the practice of mythologizing, which in my estimation
treads dangerously into Said’s “Orientalism.” Mythologizing
means the myth-making of the Orient's story(-ies), resulting in the
depiction of the Orient as “promiscuous, superstitious, and less
capable of rational thought,” in contrast to the “rational,
scientific, moral, and universal view of modernism.”2
In Minahasa, this
mythologizing proved to be harmful. The story of Toar and Lumimuut,
which in origin is a sacred story sung in the ritual of Mangorai,3
contains a wealth of information about Minahasan history, philosophy,
religion, astronomical knowledge, language, math, poetry, music,
medicine, collective consciousness, and, in general, our
meta-narrative. When the story was taught in schools to the children
of Minahasa since the 19th century however, somehow it
became an incestuous story of a mother marrying a son, a despicable
notion to the mores of the people.4
The story of Toar
and Lumimuut has circulated in many different versions, but the
general theme (as it has been taken at face value by many Minahasans
for the sake of embracing their identity as Minahasans), Lumimuut,
the mother, becomes the wife of her son, Toar, with the blessing of
Karema, the priestess. (The Bantik's version of this story, however,
is an exception). The story, however, as J. A. T. Schwarz
demonstrates (see below), was not to be understood literally as
such.5
But the fact that it was widely regarded as so is related to colonial
interests in Minahasa.
Supit asserts the
story (mythologized, as the two versions he presents)6
was utilized by the Dutch “as an instrument to exert colonialism in
Minahasa” by way of “subverting the election system of the walak
leader, especially after 1881.”7
The colonial government made a rule that “[a]s long as a person is
a descendant of Toar and Lumimuut, that person may be elected as
ukung and placed in any walak, and not necessarily
one's own walak.”8
In effect, not only did the colonial government create “undercover
feudalism” and ruin the democratic system of leadership, but it
also gained the upper hand by making puppet leaders to serve their
colonial interests.9
To understand the
story right, there is a need to understand oral tradition in
Minahasa. While there are no formal categorizations, Minahasan
narratives are distinguishable based on their function and style.
Here, in order to avoid confusion with the word “myth,” let us
reserve it to mean “tale,” “fiction,” or a sort of Aesop's
fable.10
Its equivalence in Minahasan oral tradition is neumanen (a
bed-time story with animal and human characters to convey moral
teaching), such as si wo'u wo si woley (the turtle and the
monkey). Another example of a Minahasan narrative is the Tondano War
of 1807-1809, which is a narrative of history (oral history); there
are others, but then there is also sacred narrative, that is teto'uan
makatana' (lit., knowledge of the owner of the land or
indigenous), known especially to the walian (priest/priestess),
and an example is the sung-story of Zazanian ni Karema (the
Song of Karema) from which the story of Toar and Lumimuut originated.
This one particularly is the meta-narrative of Minahasans. Jessy
Wenas, Minahasan cultural expert and music composer, writes
extensively about the history of Minahasa in his book Sejarah dan
Kebudayaan Minahasa (History and Culture of Minahasa). He also
provides, quoting J. G. F. Riedel, the lyrics of the Song
of Karema in Tombulu. (See the sung-story in the appendix.)
The walian (priests/priestesses) would sing this song with a
gong.11
There are five
aspects that I'd like to discuss in relation to the Song
of Karema:
4.2.1. Astronomical
Knowledge
Astronomy
is considered among the highest knowledge in a traditional society,
as Wenas points out.12
It is a way of explaining the natural phenomena that intersect with
the life of human beings. J. A. T. Schwarz was the first one who put
into writing the symbolic meaning of the Song of Karema. Analyzing
different versions of this story from different sources among the
Tontemboan, he points out that the story expresses the astronomical
knowledge of the Minahasans.13
The word Toar is connected to the sun. Some have
mentioned that it comes from tou arii (main pillar of the
house) or tu'ur (trunk of a tree), but the better explanation
is to see it as a combination of the word tou and ra'ar.
Tou has a different meaning: (1) as a noun “person” (in
plural means “people”); (2) as a verb “grow” or “to make
alive” and (3) as an adverb “like” or “similar to.” The
word ra'ar means “solar heat” or “sunny.”14
Hence
Toar may be interpreted as “person of the sun” or “similar to
the sun,” which is then why the Tontemboan sang when they were
making salt (mangasin)
at the shore: "Rumuso
wo rumangkang, e Toar!" (“Make
our salt hard and ample, e To'ar!”)15
Schwarz writes that the
salt-makers need dry weather so they speak to Toar as to the giver of
sunshine, that is the sun.16
Lumimuut comes from
the word lu'ut (perspire). The meaning is the earth that
perspires. The perspired earth is connected to the appearance of the
dew in the morning.17
The Tontemboan revered Lumimuut as the great ancestor who gives
fertility to the soil and regarded her as si apo' nimema' in
tana'18
because, as in the Song of Karema, the soil she had with her became
the land. Limumu'ut is associated with the land of Minahasa. And here
is the cleverness of the Song of Karema. In the morning, Toar, which
is the sun, raises in the east out of the earth. Hence symbolically,
Lumimuut gives birth to Toar. In the evening, the sun (Toar) sets in
and is perceived to penetrate the earth, hence Toar becomes the
husband of Lumimuut. Schwarz writes this in Tontemboan, si endo
makesot a mitjona mauntep a makona
(the sun raises in the east and sets in the west).19
At night the sky is embellished by the stars; they are the children
of Toar and Lumimuut, the people of Minahasa.20
This is why the constellations of the stars, which mark the planting
and harvesting systems, are also used to symbolize the Minahasan form
of political organization, which will be explained shortly.
Lumimuut's mother
is Wengi (evening) and her father is Kawengian (the darkness of the
night or dark moon). In the story, Lumimuut is impregnated by the
wind called Awahat (from wa'at “west”).21
It is the west wind that brings the heavy cloud of rain in the rainy
season. Karema bears the symbol of the office of the priest in
Minahasan ethnic religion. As Wenas explains, the word comes from
karerema' (star); hence it may signify all the stars or a
particular star, like Kaendoan, the morning star or Venus.22
Kaendoan (Venus) is still observable when the sun is already
high in the morning. And in the evening, when the western horizon is
still bright, this star will appear. Figuratively, Karema witnesses
when Toar (the sun) was born out of Lumimuut (earth) in the morning,
and when Toar becomes the husband of Lumimuut in the evening.23
Karema also has a brother named Lumambot (long), perhaps related to
the so-called “star with a long tail” or comet.24
Minahasan
traditional knowledge recognizes different celestial bodies that
inform the year-round life cycle. This astronomical knowledge
is particularly mastered by a person called tona'as pengumaan,
which is loosely defined as the agricultural expert responsible for
designating the season of planting certain crops, the rice
harvesting, fishing season, and the season of certain diseases.25
An important note
here is that tou Minahasa (people of Minahasa) cannot be other
than the children of Toar and Lumimuut, but this is different from
the way this story has been misunderstood and misused. The story has
to be understood in the way the ancestors understood the story, that
it is the sun and the earth of Minahasa that symbolically gave birth
to the children of Minahasa, and therefore they have the right to
live on this land, to tend and cultivate it (apar), to take
care of it generation after generation. This is not a myth as defined
above, but a meta-narrative.
4.2.2. Political
Organization
The Minahasan
traditional society was divided into three categories. As it is
symbolized in the Song of Karema, the offspring of Toar and Lumimuut
are:
1) Makarua Siouw
(the Two Times Nine), the children;
2) Makatelu Pitu
(the Three Times Seven), the grandchildren; and
3) Pasiouwan Telu
(the Nine-three), the people.
The three names are
connected to the appearances of the stars in the sky. The Nine-three
may be the Nine stars group which is divided into 3-3-3. The three
brightest stars in this group are called Kateluan. This
constellation is referred to as Laker, meaning “many.”26
The Makarua
Siouw are the 18 names of the ancestors who were the first to
leave the hills of Wulur Mahatus, the first dwelling place of the
early Minahasans. Wenas, quoting J. G. F. Riedel, lists their names
as follows: Mande[y], Pinontoan, Rumengan, Manarangsang, Kumiwel,
Lololing, Makaliwey, Mangalu'un, Manambeka, Manambe'ang, Manawa'ang,
Manalea, Totokai, Tingkulendeng, Soputan, Makawalang, Winowatan,
Kumambong.27
The Makarua Siouw is also associated with the office of walian
(priest/priestess). The term walian comes from wali
which means to escort in the sense of the hen escorting and
protecting its chicks.28
The
Makatelu Pitu are the 21 names of the ancestors when the
people had spread throughout Minahasa: Rumoyong Porong, Tumewang,
Rimumbu'uk, Siouw Kurur, Roring Se'epang, Pangerapan, Pontoh
Mandolang, Talumangkun, Sumendap, Makarawung, Repi, Pangimbatan,
Muntu-untu, Marinoya, Pana'aran, Tamantular, Mio-ioh, Mainalo,
Mamarimbing, Makara'u, Tumila'ar.29
The Makatelu Pitu is also used to represent the office of
tona'as (from ta'as “tough,” “hard”),30
that is the skillful, knowledgeable persons in the community (the
community leaders).
Most of the names
above are listed with the names of their wives, children, places
where they went to stay, and also their expertise, whether in
military, agriculture, ritual, etc. It appears that these were people
who became prominent because of their significant contributions to
the society, and therefore they were regarded as opo' or
empung or kasuruan (ancestors). As Taulu explains, not
all the deceased became ancestors to the Minahasans, but only those
who had led exemplary lives for the well-being of their descendants.31
The
Makarua Siouw
and Makatelu Pitu
may be best understood from the zodiac table delineated by J. Ten
Hove.32
Before the Kateluan (Nine-three stars), the zodiac symbol of
June, there is the six stars of May with the zodiac symbol Lumbaken
(a shoe made of a python tail). Since
the number nine is perceived as sacred, two times nine may
have been used to represent the eighteen names of the Makarua
Siouw ancestors, rather than three times six. The number nine
demonstrates importance and reverence. In the meanwhile, July counts
seven stars with the zodiac symbol Ru'aw (sea water half
receding, half moon). With the nine stars (June) enclosed by six
(May) and seven (July) stars, the idea might be that the people are
protected by the ancestors as well as the walian and tona'as.
The Pasiouwan Telu symbolizes the people of Minahasa under
the leadership of the walian (priests/priestesses) and the
tona'as (community leaders/experts).33
Supit asserts that the leaders in Minahasa were elected based on the
three principles of leadership: ngaasan (also called sigha')
that is the capability to take care of the ro'ong/wanua;
niatean (to have
conscience, courage to lead, perseverance and tenacity in dealing
with the challenges faced by ro'ong/wanua);
and mawai (also keter) that is physical
strength to overcome challenges
and may also include wealth.34
When the walian
and tona'as grow old, they sit in the patu'usan (from
tu'us
“to
stare at something,” meaning those who the people look up to), the
advisory council that provides counsel and advice. This council is
influential in the matter of chief election.35
Ferry
R. Mawikere writes that the priests/priestesses (walian
), experts (tona'as), members of advisory council
(patu'usan), commanders-in-chief (teterusan), including
the chiefs of the village or walak (ukung and ukung
wangko') are all categorized as mapendang, that is the
teachers at the papendangan, the traditional school in
Minahasan society. The students were called pahayoan, and
their common subjects (called papendeng) were pemosanan
(rituals of Minahasan ethnic religion), pemanuaan
(land/territory), pengumaan (agriculture), and pengundaman
(medicine).36
According
to the oral tradition recorded by Taulu, there was a time when a
number of walian,
such as Mahawetik and Meikalalo, imitating the practice of the
neighboring kingdoms, behaved in opposition to the kenaramen
(traditions).37
Consequently, the oppressed Pasiouwan
Telu
(the people), with Kopero as the leader, overthrew the ill-leadership
of the Makarua
Siouw
(the priests/priestesses). Taulu writes that Kopero called a meeting
which was held at the place now known as Watu
Pinawetengan
(Stone of Allotment) in order to restore the traditions inherited
from Toar and Lumimuut. These included: choosing leaders from the
elders who are honest, courageous, commanding, strong, etc;
deliberation in all decisions; bad leaders are to be dismissed;
patu'usan
(the
board of elders) oversee the leaders; the kenaramen
(traditions) are good customs and to be conserved; young men must
become waraney
(soldiers/warriors)
in the walak;
women
and men are equal;38
the counsel of the elderly should be heeded, parental authority must
be upheld; the leadership now is under the Pasiowan
Telu;
democracy is to be guarded in the spirit of masuat
peleng (all
are the same/equal), etc.39
What Taulu lists here were the ideals of the Minahasan traditional
society.
At
Watu
Pinawetengan,
according to Taulu, the leaders of Malesung assigned the languages
and rituals to each groups, hence known as pinawetengan
e nuwu wo pinawetengan um posan
(the allotment of languages and rituals),40
which refers to the four sub-ethnic territories alluded to in the
beginning of the Song of Karema: Tombulu, northwest to wanua
Majesu; Tonsea, northeast to wanua
Niaranan;
Tontemboan, southwest to wanua
Kaiwasian;
and Tondano, southeast to wanua
Atep.41
After the meeting, the leader made a speech: “...Esa
kita peleng! Esa woan pawetengan. Kumihit un posan. Ta'an kita peleng
esa! Maesa wian untep! Maesa masaru se kaseke wana ngkesot!”
(We are one one! One, we separate according to the ritual of worship.
But we are one! One from inside! One in facing the enemies from
outside!)42
4.2.3.
Social-economic practices
There are
references to the soil, the land, seeds, paddy leaves, and working
until “my face filled with sweat” in the Song of Karema,43
yet only by understanding the symbolic representation of the
song, then one may grasp that this song has its background in an
agricultural society: Awahat is the west wind that
brings the rain, and with the rain the land will yield produce, and
there will follow the thanksgiving to the Empung Wa'ilan
Wangko', a tradition preserved until today called Pengucapan
Syukur (festivals of
thanksgiving). Speaking about the zodiac previously, Minahasan
zodiac are associated with the paddy cultivation. Lumbaken (with
six stars), for example, means that May is the time to harvest the
paddy fields. Kateluan
(with nine stars) signifies that June is the time to separate the
paddy from hay, and Ru'aw (with
seven stars) is the time to bring the paddy home in July, and so on.44
Egalitarianism
is the norm for Minahasan traditional society. Taulu asserts that in
Malesung ukung
wangko'
(the head of a walak)
and a commoner shared the same right to the land that is owned by the
walak.45
Being an agricultural society, Minahasans developed a system called
mapalus,
a
socio-cultural and economic institution inspired by the philosophy of
si
tou timou tumou tou.
Its essence, according to Jan
Turang, is “a system, procedure, method or technique of cooperation
for the interests of the group and its members' in turns.”46
As an organizing method, mapalus combines
members' resources for the purpose of the welfare of each member. The
way it functions in the traditional Minahasan society is not solely
as a tool for economic survival by way of cultivating one's field in
turn, or tackling heavy labor together, but also in cultivating
aspects of culture such as language, tradition, and familial
attitude.47
Hence, by definition mapalus is also a socio-cultural
preservation.
From the
concept of mapalus, Saruan describes Wem Senduk's analysis of
the practice of metetamberan (freely giving to one another),
which is not exactly a gift-exchange system, although this is also
present in Minahasan traditional society. The root word tamber
means to give away something without any expectation of return or
reciprocity. The person who exercises tumamber (to do tamber)
does that autonomously towards a family or community. Paraphrasing
Senduk, Saruan writes that this practice “is a principal of social
concern, even an indicator of social cohesion...aimed at the well
being of the community (prosperity and security).”48
In
places where mapalus
took stronger root, Taulu reminisces that well before World War II,
especially in the villages, the youngsters were still participating
in mapalus.
It was the time they socialized with their friends, learned how to
cultivate, and heard the call and response songs and proverbs sung by
their parents, or the young people. If they had school, they joined
it after school.49
This obviously has
changed, yet mapalus
today also has been expanded into “agriculture, fishery, money
rotation, funds in time of bereavement or wedding celebration, and in
different community groups.”50
In 2004, the Kawanua Minahasa organization (Kerukunan Keluarga
Kawanua, K3) published the “Manifesto Manusia Kawanua”
(manifesto of the people of Kawanua), which also calls for an
economic development in Minahasa based on mapalus or
“working together as free and autonomous person in togetherness
according to the condition of the social-economic and technology
today and in the future.”51
4.2.4. Medicine
There are several
vocations mentioned in the Song of Karema: the mengasin
(salt-makers) the rumopa (sago maker), the walian
(priestess/priest), and the
kotulus (traditional doctors).52
The song also mentions some medicinal plants, such as ginger
(wangelei or lia)
which is common in traditional healing practice, also tu'is
(amomum album) and assa (saccharum
spontaneum) which have medicinal expediency.
Illness in
traditional Minahasan society is categorized into two different
kinds, one is the natural illness/disease and the other is related to
the spiritual realm.53
The first are treated with different kinds of local herbs, which
involves knowledge of different plants and other ingredients, their
use and medicinal properties. Certain people also can heal through
massage. The second kind of illness may be a reprimand from the
ancestors due to one's transgression of the customs. Otherwise, it
may be caused by an ill-intention of a meniwo,54
or else infuriated evil spirits. The treatment is through
communication with ancestral spirits by the mediation of the healer,
which usually involves being in trance/spirit possession.
Other terms for
medicine practitioners/traditional doctors are mengundam (from
undam “to cure”) and mengelot (from elot “to
cure”). The contemporary meaning of the two connotes a
negative understanding as they have been associated with shamanism
(Bahasa, perdukunan) across the board. They are deemed
unchristian; although many Christians still seek their help when
their sickness is prolonged, when medicines from the doctors are not
helping, or when they do not have money to go to the hospital.
Traditionally, the ability to heal among the traditional doctors is
considered a gift (karunia) and must be performed not for
profit. Otherwise, the ability will be taken away. Today some of the
practitioners have also incorporated Christian or Muslim spirituality
by using the Bible or Al-Quran and prayers. In addition, there are
also religious spiritual healers who use water, ointment, herbs and
prayer to heal.55
4.2.5. Minahasan
ethnic religion
There is no
reference in either oral traditions or recorded ones where the
Almighty is addressed in a way that suggests a personal name. The
word “Empung,” as
it is used in the Song of Karema above, means “Lord.”
While the term is also used for Minahasan ancestors, the singular
form in this context is understood as “the Almighty.”56
Other renditions come with qualifiers, such as Empung Renga-rengan
(The Ever-Present Lord)57
and Empung Wa'ilan Wangko' (The Great and Abundant Lord); the
term Wa'ilan used in the Song of Karema signifies this
meaning.
The other term for
the Almighty is “Opo',” which is also used for the
ancestors, but this is more in the sense of a reverent address rather
than ancestralship, although the Almighty is also considered as the
suru in the sense of “source.”58
Other titles for the Almighty include “Opo' Mana en Atas”
or “Opo' Wana en Atas” (God in the Above/Sky/Heaven).
There was a
difficulty between the Minahasans and the Christian missionaries in
trying to converse about their religious understandings. For
instance, N. Graafland, NZG missionary, writes that he heard several
Minahasan walian say convincingly that there is only one God,
but there are many empung. Yet he also heard others who said
that there is only one Empung, the rest are walian.59
Using the explanation above that both “opo'” and “empung”
are used for the Almighty and the ancestors, the first statement may
be understood that there is only one God (Opo'), but there are
many ancestors (opo'-opo') who are called se empung
(pl.). The second one may be similar, meaning that there is only one
Empung (that is God) and the rest were walian, as the
first order of the ancestors who are also rendered as empung.60
The words “opo'”
and “empung” also “kasuruan” (the last is used
among the Tontemboan) are often translated as “dewa/dewi”
in Bahasa, connoting a divine origin, which in English is translated
as “male or female gods.” However, the more accurate translation
for these words is "ancestor" (Bahasa., “nenek
moyang”). The names of the so-called “dewa/dewi”
(“gods”) in Minahasa are used as family names, pointing out that
they were Minahasan ancestors.61
Taulu argues that this misunderstanding of the practice of paopo'on
(to revere one as an ancestor) has caused some writers to think of
Minahasa as a polytheistic society.62
As Graafland
rightly points out, Minahasans know that they have a spirit (mukur)
which will not die.63
In Minahasan ethnic religion, death means moving into another world,
which is different yet not totally separated from the world that is.64
Hence, each group (whether in the level of a village
or a walak) has their own revered ancestors, often founders of
the community, who are, as Saruan explains, “honored, respected,
and acknowledged as keepers, defenders, and protectors of the people
during their lifetime.”65
Saruan further explains that, on the one hand, these functions are
understood to come from the Almighty (Si Empung Wa'ilan) but,
on the other, they are manifested by the ancestors as the active and
concrete presence of the Almighty.66
Minahasans observed
different posan or peli'i, rituals aimed to
avert diseases or disaster and to secure safety, blessings, success,
healing, including honoring the ancestors, invoking courage, and as
thanksgiving.67
They are categorized into two kinds, for family and for the
community.68
Graafland suggests that the many posan,
which imply feasts, Minahasans observed in the past began
as a simple religious ritual and then developed into extensive and
complicated practices.69
One of the posan that Graafland describes is called
sumungkul wo sumampet mauri which is a replication of the
practice of obtaining human heads at the territorial borders.70
This practice may be a ritual of initiation to become a waraney
(warrior) in the community. Graafland points out that, with the
colonial government's assertiveness to punish homicide, instead of
inflicting a victim, a wooden puppet smeared with animal's blood was
used as a target for their sago-sago (kind of spear) and other
weaponry in this posan, which
then is followed with a feast where they give thanks and praise the
bravery of one another.71
In
line with Saruan's explanation regarding the role of the ancestors
above, Wenas proposes that there are two ways of praying in Minahasan
ethnic religion. He calls these ways “direct” and “indirect,”
meaning that a prayer is addressed directly to Empung or
through the proxy of the ancestors. If we take the Song of Karema as
a point of reference, assuming that it was the original matrix of
Minahasan ethnic religion, then the “direct” approach will appear
as the early form of Minahasan ethnic religion, wherein Si Empung
Wa'ilan is at the center of religious practice. It may then be
assumed that, along with Minahasans' struggle to survive and build
new communities, their heroes which they then venerated as ancestors
received a high place in their communal consciousness.
-------
1 Thayer's
Greek Lexicon defines mythos
as: (1) a speech, word, saying; (2) a narrative, story: a) a true
narrative. b) a fiction, a fable; universally, an invention,
falsehood (http://biblesuite.com/greek/3454.htm [access 11 September
2012]). The unspecific and potential contradiction of these meanings
necessitates that the use of the term “myth” in place of other
symbols. This is especially true when it comes to the term
meta-narrative. It is of no use to take the meaning of
“meta-narrative” and then define or pigeon-hole it into the
amorphous, ambiguous term “myth.”
2 This
view is related to the evolutionary paradigm in early social
science, which according to Hiebert, “accounted for both the
inherent goodness of humans and the development and superiority of
modernity. It led to the belief that whites are superior to blacks,
men to women, and the elite to common people” (Transforming
Worldview, 202).
3 Mangorai
is a ritual led by a special priest called a walian Mangorai,
associated with land fertility and ancestry.
4 This
kind of mythologizing, however, cannot be fully blamed on the
outsiders who construct and paint the face of Minahasa through this
story, because admittedly some of the misunderstanding we have today
was borne out of the effort on the side of the local informants to
hide local knowledge to some of the inquirers by giving them a
partial or even just a plain made-up story. Some informants may also
have shared from their own poor knowledge of the topic in question.
In the case of J. A. T. Schwarz and J. G. F. Riedel, both are sons
of the NZG missionaries in Minahasa, since they grew up in Minahasa
and were familiar with the culture and language(s), they can be
categorized as well-informed inquirers. This does not rule out that
they may be mistaken, however. For example, J. G. F. Ridel's
conclusion regarding the use of the word “walak,” which
he associates with the Manado Malay balak “beam,” but
then was corrected by J. A. T. Schwarz (see Supit, Minahasa,
52 and above discussion on the term).
5 Several
Minahasan writers have defended the myth-version of the story,
arguing that it is common in “mythology'” by referring to the
Greek story of Oedipus as well as to the story of Sangkuriang and
Dayang Sumbi. However, this attempt does nothing more than prolong
the misunderstanding of the Minahasan meta-narrative (see Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
83).
6 Supit,
Minahasa, 18ff.
7 Supit,
Minahasa, 16-17 (translation mine).
8 Supit,
Minahasa, 16-17 (translation mine).
9 Supit,
Minahasa, 16-17.
10 Hiebert
tries to explain the value of the term “myth,” which has been
popular in social science, by connecting the meaning of
“meta-narrative” in it. What Hiebert calls the “technical,
scientific sense” (Transforming Worldview, 27-28) of the
word “myth,” however helpful, is pregnant with misunderstanding
because of the popular use of the word either in English or in
Bahasa; hence it can easily lead into “mythologizing” of the
meta-narrative: the given-interpretation of the grand story that
fails to take into consideration the symbolic and hidden
understanding of the story itself. Hence, I choose to maintain the
language “meta-narrative” for the grand story, while isolating
the meaning of the word “myth” as mentioned above.
11 Wenas, Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 76.
12 Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
82-83.
13 J.
A. T. Schwarz, Tontemboansche Teksten (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1907), 466; See Wenas, Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
82-83.
14 Mera'ar
means “sunny,” mara'ar means “drying something (e.g.
paddy or cloves) under the sun.”
15 J.
A. T. Schwarz, “ruso,” in
Tontemboansch-Nederlandsch woordenboek met
Nederlandsch-Tontemboansch register (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1908),
393-394. Available
at http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000323281 (accessed May 3,
2013); Schwarz, Tontemboansche Teksten, 377.
16 Schwarz,
Tontemboansche Teksten, 377; Bertha Pantouw, “Minahasa
Sebelum Tahun 1829 dan Beberapa Perubahan Dalamnya, Kurun Waktu
1824-1846)” in Etnik Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan,
72.
17 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
18 Cf.
Schwarz, Tontemboansche Teksten, 466; Wenas, Sejarah dan
Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
19 Schwarz,
Tontemboansche Teksten, 466; Wenas, Sejarah dan Kebudayaan
Minahasa, 83.
20 Schwarz,
Tontemboansche
Teksten, 374-375 as
quoted in Wenas, Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
82-83.
21 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
22 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
23 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
24 Schwarz,
Tontemboansche
Teksten, 378;
Wenas, Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
25 Wenas
provides the division of time of the day, days of the month and
months of the year based on the lunar phase, and other Minahasan
traditional knowledge, using, among others, resources written by a
number of Europeans (Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
83). Here we need to acknowledge the role of the missionaries,
colonial officials, anthropologists, naturalists, travelers, who
made the effort to record the oral traditions, situations and
conditions in Minahasa in the past, making it possible for the later
generations to have access these traditions, although readers of
these writings have to be critical (cf. Supit, Minahasa,
13).
26 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 83.
27 J.
G. F. Riedel, Das Toumbuluhsche Pantheon (Berlin:
Friedländer, 1894), 5-7 as quoted in Wenas, Sejarah dan
Kebudayaan Minahasa, 8-10.
28 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 69.
29 Riedel,
Das Toumbuluhsche Pantheon, 4-10 as quoted in Wenas, Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 8-10.
30 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 69.
31 Taulu,
Bunga rampai, 33.
32 De
Alifoersche Dierenriem
(Rotterdam: Oegstgeest Zendings Bureau, 1887) as presented by Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 86-87.
33 Wenas
points out that the Pasiouwan Telu are the offspring of the
three women called pasiouwan from three ancient pakasaan
(sub-ethnic groups): Tombulu, Tontewoh (which he suggests
derived Tonsawang, Tondano, and Tonsea), and Tonkimbut (Tontemboan)
(Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 12).
34 Supit,
Minahasa, 60.
35 Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 70-71. According to Wenas, the word
potu'usan (i.e., patu'usan)
comes from tu'us “counsel” or “explanation.”
36 Ferry
R. Mawikere, “Minahasa dan Kolonialisme: Warisan Sejarah,
Akselerasi Perubahan, dan Dinamika Hubungan Sampai Akhir Abad
ke-19,” in Etnik Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan: Telaah
Historis, Teologis, Antropologis, ed.
Roy E. Mamengko (Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 2002),
129.
37 Meaning
they were acting as kings in the midst of their people (Taulu,
Bunga Rampai, 6).
38 In
another part of his book Bunga Rampai, Taulu writes that
according to “an old story” Lumimu'ut was formerly a princess in
a palace who left because of the strict customs where the women have
to bow down to the men. She does not want to pass this down to her
offspring (p. 31).
Taulu's expression “an old story” points that he is making a
story (the kind of neumanen/myth)
to convey a point. Interestingly, today I found different
stories about Toar and Lumimuut saying that they came from a
Japanese imperial family, or Chinese or Mongol kingdoms.
39 Taulu,
Bunga rampai, 6.
40 See
the four symbols of posan
(ritual)
in the appendix.
41 Taulu,
Bunga rampai, 6-8;
Watuseke only mentions three groups in this meeting: Tombulu,
Tonsea, and Tontemboan, suggesting that the Tondano came later to
Malesung (Sejarah Minahasa,
14-15). Wenas postulates three groups also: Tombulu, Tontewoh, and
Tongkimbut (Tontemboan) but argues that the Tontewoh split into
Tonsea, Tondano and Tonsawang (Sejarah dan Kebudayaan
Minahasa, 8, 12-15).
42 Taulu,
Bunga rampai, 8.
43 See
the song in the appendix.
44 See Hove, De
Alifoersche Dierenriem;
Wenas,
Sejarah dan
Kebudayaan Minahasa,
86-87.
45 Taulu,
Bunga rampai, 31.
46 “Pembangunan
Daerah Minahasa Dengan Pertanian Inti Sistem Mapalus: Suatu studi
dari segi perencanaan,” Prisma (s.l.: Yayasan Mapalus,
1984) as quoted by Saruan, “Profil Etnik Minahasa,” in Etnik
Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan,
386 (translation mine); Wil Lundstrom-Burghoorn refers to
mapalus as “'task group' – people who cooperate and
exchange in a formalized manner” (Minahasa Civilization,
163).
47 The
practice of mapalus
incorporated
songs, stories,
poems, etc. as Graafland observes, “Other
than spontaneous proverbs, there are songs, which are passed down
orally among the people. Some are from the ancient times and some
are from a much later time” (Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa,
45).
48 “Profil
Etnik Minahasa,” in Etnik Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan,
388.
49 Taulu,
Bunga Rampai, 36.
50 Turang,
“Pembangunan Daerah Minahasa Dengan Pertanian Inti Sistem Mapalus:
Suatu studi dari segi perencanaan,” as described by Saruan,
“Profil Etnik Minahasa,” in Etnik Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi
Perubahan, 386.
51 Manifesto
Manusia Kawanua “MAKAWANUA” (s. l.: Dewan Pembina Kerukunan
Keluarga Kawanua, 2004), 6-7. Available at
http://matulanda.wordpress.com/2010/08/23/makawanua-manifesto-manusia-kawanua/
(accessed October 13, 2012).
52 Wenas,
quoting Riedel's Toumbuluhsche Pantheon, p. 4, points out
that walian tulus (or
kotulus) is
the expert of spirit-related sickness (Sejarah dan
Kebudayaan Minahasa, 151).
53 See
Wenas, Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa,
151-153.
54 Tondano
variety, from the word siwo “make.” Meniwo carries
the meaning of one who utilizes one's knowledge to impinge others
with misfortune such as sickness, failure, etc.
55 Christopher
K. Drysdale made an attempt to explore the topic of the religious
spiritual healer in Minahasa in his thesis The
Effects of the Protestant Church on Identity Formation among the
Minahasa of North Sulawes, Indonesia
(MA thesis, Northern Illinois University, 2005).
56 Wenas
consistently translates the word “Empung” as Tuhan
(Bahasa) that is “Lord” (Sejarah
dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 79-81).
57 The
word rengan means “during,” “of the same age;”
karengan “simultaneously;” renga-rengan “spirit”
or “spiritual.” A. Wantalangi, et.al. translate Empung
Renga-rengan as “God that is a spirit” (Kamus
Tondano-Indonesia, 1985).
58 The
Almighty is also addressed as “Kasuruan,” (from suru,
“descent,” “offspring;” “ancestor”), meaning God as the
Creator, the source from whom human beings and their offspring came
into being. In the Tontemboan-speaking community, the Almighty is
also addressed as Amang Kasuruan Wangko', “Great
Father Source of Life.”
59 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 84.
60 Graafland
postulates that this trace of monotheism in Minahasan ethnic
religion was due to Christian influence; he then presses for the
notion of polytheism in Minahasan religiosity (see Graafland and
Montolalu, Minahasa, 84). Saruan categorizes such argument as
Opo'logi (Opo'logy), an
approach based on “Teori Evolusionistis”
of the West. In contrast, he proposes Opo'isme
or Empungisme
(Opo'ism or Empungism), described as a concept that is born out of
unique cultural expressions of the Minahasan even before the arrival
of the missionaries. He points at the Minahasan prayers to e.g.,
Empung Wa'ilan Wangko' in
line with Neundenberg's
position that
“the beginning of human worship of the divine was monotheistic”
(“Profil Etnik Minahasa,” in Etnik
Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan,
392; Neudenberg was
NZG secretary and his statement is quoted from Med. NZG 27 (1883),
172-173).
61 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 88-89, 93.
62 Taulu,
Bunga Rampai,
33; Graafland and Montolalu, Minahasa,
85; Also obvious on the title of Riedel's book Das
Toumbuluhsche Pantheon.
63 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 324.
64 Wenas,
Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Minahasa, 148 with reference to
Cornelis Tjenko Bertling, De Minahasische "waroega" en
"hockerbestattung" (Den
Haag: [s.n.], 1931), 90.
65 Saruan,
“Profil Etnik Minahasa,” in Etnik Minahasa Dalam Akselerasi
Perubahan, 390.
66 Saruan,
“Profil Etnik Minahasa,”
in Etnik Minahasa
Dalam Akselerasi Perubahan,
390.
67 See
Graafland and Montolalu, Minahasa, 92-93, 96, 110.
68 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 94.
69 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 92.
70 Graafland
and Montolalu, Minahasa, 108ff.
71 Graafland and Montolalu, Minahasa, 108ff.
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